Twenty-five years ago you were the boy senator. Now
you're one of the old bulls in the Senate. How did it feel to grow
up in that institution and witness all kinds of changes firsthand?
How does it feel now?
I find it exciting now. We're able to get votes and focus
attention on what we're doing. And that's a lot different from when
I served on the Judiciary Committee in the Sixties, which was under
Democratic control. We were addressing the civil-rights agenda, and
we saw then that the chairman and members of the party were
committed to subverting what were the real areas of need in the
country. It was an enormously frustrating period, given what the
needs were. So this, I find, is an exciting time.
What about the country in general?
As in the early Sixties, I see the country moving toward a more
active period in terms of both the needs of the country and the
willingness of the people to try and deal with issues in a
responsible way. We saw that when we were out in Chicago talking to
Citizen Action, which is the largest grass-roots group in the
country. To feel their energy in dealing with the domestic agendas
and to look at the numbers of dues-paying members —
something's happening, and as always, the politicians are the last
ones to sense it. But I feel it and see it, so I think this is a
very interesting period — particularly after the previous six
years, when we were basically an institution that was not dealing
very substantially with a lot of problems. It was a period of
status quo and retreat in many ways.
How has the Senate changed in the past two
decades?
think that the Senate's become less efficient in terms of
producing new landmark legislation, but it has also become more
open and willing to test ideas and to deal with some important
issues where the administration is really out of step. For example,
we had the situation where the administration was so out of step
with the country on the issues of apartheid in South Africa that we
were able to alter national policy, in terms of the legislative
branch, in a very significant way. I don't think that could have
happened in the Sixties, when the Congress and the Senate had
difficulty altering the policy in Vietnam. The country separated
itself from the president, and it still took an interminable period
of time to end it.
That was, in a sense, a failure on the part of the
senators.
Exactly. I think that the Senate then was a different institution.
It was more efficient — and that was the up side. Even with
all of the inefficiency today, there's a willingness to raise
questions and get some kind of reaction. I mean, it would be
inconceivable to me that you would have had the Senate taking such
critical steps fifteen or twenty years ago. I think that has been
the important change. The transition began with the Vietnam War,
and then came the extraordinary upheavals, the assassinations and
the loss of leadership during the Watergate period. All of that had
an enormous impact. Today, there's more questioning, more demands
for openness and less willingness to leave it to others to make
decisions that are going to affect people's lives — all of
which is healthy.
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