In your new book, you're brutal on the Bush
administration for how they deceived the country in leading us into
war. How does that compare to the way they've manipulated the
climate debate?
It's the same. In both cases the policy outcome was predetermined,
in spite of the voluminous evidence that it would lead to
catastrophe. It was known at the time we decided to invade Iraq
that Saddam Hussein had absolutely nothing to do with Osama bin
Laden or Al Qaeda. It was known that if we tried to occupy Iraq
with a force of less than several hundred thousand troops, the
prospects for sectarian violence and disintegration of the nation
were very, very high. Those facts, which could have been easily
established as the basis for decision-making at the time, were
ignored. That's why 150,000 of our troops are still trapped in a
civil war.
In exactly the same way, it has been known and provable to the satisfaction of any reasonable person for a long time that the climate crisis is real, that we're responsible for it, that it's extremely dangerous and that we have to start now if we're going to solve it. In spite of that evidence, we brushed aside the facts and pursued a preconceived ideological notion offered up by ExxonMobil and the coal companies and other large carbon polluters that said, "The scientists are wrong, there's no problem here. Move along, nothing to see, nothing to see." Instead, we eliminated any commitment to reduce carbon ? and now we're proposing to subsidize an acceleration in carbon pollution. So it's the same problem.
Our democracy is supposed to operate more often than not according to the rule of reason. A well-informed citizenry, to use the phrase our founders revered, has a conversation according to the best evidence available and tries to make the best decision. But that's not how it works today. That's what's gone wrong.
What figure in the administration, other than the
president himself, do you hold most responsible for standing in the
way of meaningful change on global warming?
Oh, Cheney, of course. Both Bush and Cheney come out of the
carbon-extraction industry. But Cheney has been the more forceful
determinant of the two where this issue is concerned. Not that Bush
has ever wavered - he does what ExxonMobil wants, every single
time. When support for action against the climate crisis rises, he
sometimes tweaks his rhetoric ever so slightly. But he never
actually does anything to try to solve the problem. To the
contrary, he's made it much, much worse.
Here's another thing Bush and Cheney have in common: Who would you rely on as the source of the best information about the wisdom of invading Iraq? Ahmad Chalabi, of course. Who would you choose to rely on as the source of the best information about global warming? ExxonMobil, of course.
Are you at least glad that Bush now refers to our
"addiction to foreign oil"?
I don't like the addiction metaphor, because it carries with it a
sense of powerlessness. But there are some aspects of the metaphor
that are accurate in ways that Bush doesn't intend. The spiral of
increasingly self-destructive behavior - spending more and more for
supplies of a substance that is harder and harder to get - is just
bizarre. I caused a stir in Alberta, Canada, recently when someone
asked me about the advisability of trying to extract oil by
processing the tar sands they have up there. I said, "Well, junkies
find veins in their toes" [laughs]. The then-premier of
Alberta lost it - and hasn't recovered since.
You speak eloquently about forging a mass movement to
halt global warming. But the surest way to kill any emerging
movement is to put a new system in place, only to have it rigged to
benefit the same old special interests. What's going to keep the
fossil-fuel industry from creating offsets and other loopholes to
profit from the kind of carbon-trading system you advocate? Won't
Wall Street just get rich off this huge new commodity
market?
Once you establish the framework, then the passionate advocates of
solving this crisis can channel their energies into policing and
improving the integrity of that framework. The emissions-trading
system in the European Union experienced serious start-up mistakes,
but now it's actually working pretty damn well. It's driving a hell
of a lot of carbon reduction. And when the world as a whole adopts
such a system, the synergies of a global market will be incredibly
powerful. The day after that is put in place, every member of a
corporate board of directors on the planet will have a fiduciary
responsibility to aggressively reduce CO2 emissions. Because they
won't be able to protect shareholder value if they don't.
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