The sense that they can help shape the direction of this country. I always knew — partly because as somebody who has been a community organizer, I've helped mentor a lot of young people and talked to groups involved in public service — I always knew there was this real hunger to get engaged and involved on the part of young people, but they didn't see politics as an avenue to do it. What this campaign has done is said, "Even as you're organizing about Darfur, even as you're involved in that environmental group, even as you're joining Teach for America, there is a need for you to be part of this central conversation about our politics and our government." And they've responded.
How are you going to connect your support among young
people to the governing process?
This is where the Internet is so powerful. One of the things that
surprised me in this campaign is how well we were able to use
technology to organize people. There's enormous promise — but
we've just scratched the surface of what's possible when it comes
to making government work for people. Virtual town-hall meetings,
increasing transparency, accountability on legislation. You think
about all the inefficiencies in government. We basically have a New
Deal government in a 21st-century economy. We've got to upgrade
it.
So you're consciously aware that this will have to be
part of how you govern?
Yes, absolutely. The Internet gives young people a tool to be
informed continuously. It gives them an opportunity to speak to
each other and mobilize themselves. It gives them the opportunity
to hold me accountable when I'm not following through on promises
that I've made. It gives me a powerful ally if Congress is
resistant to measures that need to be taken.
If you are president, what do you think will make the
traditional Washington establishment most nervous about how you
approach policy and government?
The relationship between lobbyists and legislation and the
revolving door that's been created between people in government and
K Street is not something you can eliminate, but it's something you
can curb. People are going to be nervous about the fact that I'm
interested in curbing it. Lobbyists have a function to play; they
have a representing interest as part of our democracy. But the
degree to which, during the Republican Congress, you literally had
oil companies writing energy legislation or drug companies writing
drug legislation, without regard for the public interest —
that's got to change. And that will make some people uncomfortable,
partly because it's very lucrative, and it's grown massively over
the last decade. I don't think people understand . . .
The way legislation has been outsourced to private
interests?
Yeah. I don't think people understand how much the lobbying
industry has grown, and how much money is involved in it. A lot of
people are getting paid handsomely.
Would you say it's overtaken the elected representatives
themselves, in terms of their power to write
legislation?
I don't think it's overtaken the legislature, but I think that it
has become an unhealthy symbiotic relationship.
Last week, the Senate failed to pass a measure that
would have strongly addressed global warming. What's your plan to
get meaningful climate-change legislation passed in the face of
opposition by the oil, coal and auto industries and their allies in
Congress?
Let's start with what we have to do. Every scientist that is
serious about looking at this question will tell you that, at
minimum, we've got to reduce carbon emissions by about 80
percent.
By what date?
2050. And it's not going to happen precipitously. We've got to
start now and steadily ratchet down our carbon emissions.
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